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A group blog for students in HIST 159
 

Moving forward with the Group Project

November 2nd, 2011 by lft2

This week most of our group met to discuss our progress in the project and where we thought we should head next.  This was important because we are soon going to have to finalize our choices for readings to give.  What I tried to emphasize is that we should make sure that whatever we give out is directly related to the core of the class—the questions like “why do we need legendary Americans” and “what makes a legendary American”—and try to consciously avoid the factual stuff, even when it is interesting or relevant to Kennedy’s general history.  I specifically wanted to mention this point because I read the children’s book that Peter found a few weeks ago as per his request.  Maybe I’m just missing it, but I couldn’t see that much that directly connected to the “legendary” aspects of Kennedy.  Which parts of the book were you planning to use?  I will bring the children’s book on Kennedy that I found to class this week, so y’all can read it and see it there is valuable stuff within it.  I personally think there is more we can say about that book than about this one.

Also regarding the project, it seems like some major talking points are starting to appear (aside from the few basic “legendary” questions that we have to answer).  The fascination with Kennedy’s death shows that he is a legend and demonstrates our fixation with the morbid and martyr (is this why Peter’s book would be good to cite?).  Jessica, I know you researched this most; what do you think the best excerpts were?  His Catholicism highlights important aspects about the US and religion, which would be good to touch on because it is still relevant today.  I also think it would be particularly helpful to focus on the polls data I found.  They directly reveal how Americans thought about a “legend” through time, and isn’t this exactly what we are studying?  We also haven’t really discussed the value and limitations of polls as a source in class, which we could do now.  Therefore, the only sources I think we should definitely use from my independent research are the three I cited at the end of one of my previous posts, which I will re-post here.  What do you guys think about them?   There are also several books that I used elsewhere, but I haven’t finalized which parts would be most useful yet.  I will work more on this in the coming week.

 

Sources:

Conway, Debra. “A Look At JFK’s Popularity Polls.” JFK News and Updates – JFK Lancer Blog. 3 Feb. 2009. Web. 05 Oct. 2011. <http://jfklancernews.blogspot.com/2009/02/look-at-jfks-popularity-polls-by-debra.html>.

Hines, Nico. “The Greatest US Presidents – The Times US Presidential Rankings – Times Online.” The Times | UK News, World News and Opinion. 31 Oct. 2008. Web. 05 Oct. 2011. <http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/us_and_americas/us_elections/article5055404.ece>.

Houston Chronicle, “Chronicle Poll Sees Goldwater Over Kennedy” Nov. 22, 1963. “Gallup Poll had indicated that 63 per cent of Americans disapproved of the March [on Washington], and that 38 per cent thought he was pushing too fast on integration.” William F. Buckley Jr., National Review, December 31, 1994.

Political Crises

November 2nd, 2011 by jrh5

“Political crises are decisive moments in socities.”

The book The Kennedy Assassination and the American Public; Social Communication in Crisis contains essays that deal with reactions across the nation to the assassination of Kennedy and how the reactions moved and changed with media and between people. I decided to focus this week on one that combines assassination and politics, The Kennedy Assassination and the Nature of Political Commitment.

The essay discusses what the Kennedy assassination showed about American politics, and how the average man felt about it.

Firstly, it generalizes, crises put institutions to the test. It is in these testing times that major events can occur, and when people “not ordinarily involved in politics are suddenly deeply involved,” and learn the true nature of their political system.

This is shown most simply in the ease of transfer of power from one President to another. No one spent the time after Kennedy died jockeying for power, and there was even very little change in the direction of policy. The American people accepted that this is how the American government works, with no question. This is fundamental to the validity of our government.

The emotional reaction to Kennedy’s death was telling of the connection that Americans have with the public families– people are often quoted as saying they felt as if they’d lost a member of their own family. Despite the fact that they knew it was an important political issue, it was a much more personal issue to them. Socially, we attach emotional meaning and commitment to the common symbol that stands for the unit– in this case, the President to America– and so we react when they are attacked. This can be seen when people attack or defend the person at the head of a political party rather than their argument, and are offended when people do the opposite.

Also, interestingly, despite all the controversy due to Kennedy’s Catholicism, religious services were held all across the United States after his death. Verba, the author, suggests that this illustrates an underlying religiosity to even our most secular institutions, even if it is not specific religion based. Governmental institutions “may have a significance of a religious kind”. And so that places the President  (or any other major political leader, really) in a curious head-of-church sort of position that makes him even more defensible.

Next Verba gets into discussing the effects of a crisis, and what specifically this crisis had on the American public, which I think will be a good place to look to for next week.

 

This essay as a whole is 12 pages, if we want to use it. I think it would be of more use than anything I’ve found thus far, because it ties back more to what the others have been talking about.

Greenberg, Bradley S., and Edwin B. Parker. The Kennedy Assassination and the American Public; Social Communication in Crisis. Stanford, CA: Stanford UP, 1965. Print.

Dividing the pages for Kennedy

November 1st, 2011 by pjy1

Since our project soon coming to accumulation, I have started to look more carefully at the heart of the subject of the project. I see the Legendary American History Course as a study of how the Americans see their legendary figures. Since we have a page limit between 50 and 80 and I’m sure my partners will also have their plethora of information to contribute, I’ll focus primarily on the topics dealing with the people’s view on Kennedy.

I have about seventeen pages from a book that gives a brief overview of Kennedy’s religion: Catholicism. It discusses the social conditions of his candidacy especially when the Irish Catholic immigrants have begun to rise in social status and gaining seats of power. It also briefly describes the “kind” of Catholic that Kennedy was. The last part is interesting because it compares the ’60s to the ’20s, the last time a Catholic ran for President. From all this information, we can discuss the various changes in views of America and even today. For example, Kennedy crossed all barriers of his Irish immigrant roots, save for the religious barrier, including: education, wealth, and power. Does this imply that this is all America cares for and that religion has taken a secondary priority in their view? Also, though America is a secular state, there are still hints of Christianity rooted in it. One example is the “under God” in our Pledge of Allegiance; a short but obvious tie to a religion. Does this imply that the Americans will only “accept” Christian Presidents? Do you think that one day we will slowly move towards Jewish, Atheists or even Muslim Presidents?

I also have 5 pages I would like to share about the Cuban Missile Crises. It briefly talks of Kennedy’s approval rating rising after the Crises along with polls and numbers about the Crises. We see the exaggeration of the crises along with the numbers to prove it. But we must acknowledge that the polls can be flawed and bias. We can discuss the legitimacy of the polls along with any reason why a person would want to skew the data. Another question to ask is: if there is any situation like this and what they hold in common? Is the unity of the American people positively correlated with how we view the President? As Laura pointed out in one of her posts, Kennedy’s approval rating rose after Bay of Pigs, an American failure. Also, after the 9/11 attacks, George W Bush’s ratings also went up. This brings up an interesting question of whether the legendary figures promote the unity of a nation or if it is the opposite that is true.

Works Cited

Burns, James. John Kennedy A Political Profile. New York: Harcourt,Brace &Company, 236-252. Print.

Simkin, John. “Cuban Missile Crises.” n. pag. Spartacus Educational. Web. 1 Nov 2011. <http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/COLDcubanmissile.htm>.

Conspiracy

October 26th, 2011 by jrh5

We Americans love conspiracy theories. Or we love to hate them. Either way, we perpetuate even the most absurd of them, ones about 9/11 being planned by the American government, the white car that got away from Princess Diana’s accident being full of assassins, and, most relevant to us, the many many theories behind President John F. Kennedy’s death.

An article online discusses the psychology behind conspiracy theories as a combination of individualism and an inability to control. People want to have control over their own lives, but when they feel they lose this to an outside larger power, their likelihood to believe in a conspiracy theory wholehearted goes up.

Studies are showing that individualism is a trait that is occurring more often now that it used to, as well as anxiety, which can lead to paranoia.

So between the rise of a tendency to want to believe in conspiracy theories and more theories popping up, it’s no wonder the J.F.K. rumors aren’t dissipating. The American public is still very concerned about the truth behind what happened that day. And because we are still so concerned as a nation about his death, Kennedy remains a very relevant topic in our society. This combined with the fact that people are often idolized after they die, especially after they are murdered, keeps Kennedy in the minds of the people, and therefore in the back of their minds when considering conspiracy theories.

Each of the conspiracies remain alive because people still consider that they might be true. This loop of remaining pertinent and heightening concerns about conspiracies may keep the theories about Kennedy’s death around for another fifty years.

 

http://www.psychologytoday.com/blog/the-narcissus-in-all-us/200809/paranoia-911-and-the-roots-conspiracy-theories

The Fame of Bandits (Prompt #2)

October 26th, 2011 by lft2

During this course, we have studied several legendary Americans who have enjoyed fluctuating levels of fame.  For various reasons, Harriet Tubman, Davy Crockett, and Sacagawea, among others, have risen and fallen from the spotlight due to media influences and changing contemporary values.  While the bandits in this unit, it could be argued, have enjoyed less mercurial fame, the reasons for their infamy have nonetheless changed over time.

As White indicates, fear played a large part in building the reputations of bandits such as Bonnie and Clyde, John Dillinger, and Jesse Jones.  While this may have been relevant during their heyday, it would have ceased to be a factor once the bandits were killed or apprehended, so cannot be seen as an influence on their current reputations.  Additionally, White outlines three types of supporters who would have played a role in maintaining the outlaws’ reputations: kin supporters, active supporters, and passive supporters. (389) The first two categories, again, are insignificant in modern times, but the still-prevalent recognition of the outlaws suggests that the third category of passive supporters, or at least passive acknowledgers of the bandits, has grown.  This is most likely due to the increased speed and span of modern media, which allows the outlaws’ stories to reach more ears.

Despite these changes in the nature of the criminals’ fame, however, the readings suggest that the actual reasons of their notoriety remain the same.  According to White, “it is said that those who romanticized these characters admired their toughness, loyalty, bravery, honor and daring among other qualities.” (407) These features are just as prevalent in modern hero culture as they were in the past.  So, too, do we prize and obsess over the idea of extreme masculinity (as evidenced by the numerous contemporary letters to the Smithsonian referenced in Gorn’s article), which propelled John Dillinger’s reputation in the past just as it does now.  If the bandits were touted as protesters “against either excessive exploitation from above or against the overturn of traditional norms by modernizing elements in a society,” (White) their status as brave souls running outside of society’s lines would still be appealing to current audiences, since (as I argued in the Crockett unit), there is something inherently appealing in the idea of an adventurous renegade, regardless of the time period.  Additionally, the argument that the media’s influence is one of the major changes in the reasons for the outlaws’ fame, we must remember that journalistic spin is not a recent invention.  As Gorn points out, newspapers contributed greatly to the promotion of Dillinger over the police, just as the movie Bonnie and Clyde helped their reputation and as would any modern source that unfairly romanticized the bandits’ lives.

Therefore, I conclude that while the people and methods behind the bandits’ fame has changed over time, the inherent reasons for the legendary status of such criminals has remained unchanged.

Outlaws!

October 26th, 2011 by jrh5

Prompt 4: Based on what you find in the readings, what can outlaws tell us about the changing nature of laws and government authority in American history?

Outlaws became big in a time of when the everyday man felt beat down by those on top, by those in charge. The Depression was hitting the nation hard, and there was nothing the heads of households could do to fight back. One day they had money, the next, they just didn’t. The banks had nothing to give them. So when people heard tales of men taking charge and fighting back, outside the law or not, they were intrigued.

Those laws that the outlaws were breaking, and the government that they were rebelling against were the ones that had taken away everyone’s personal power. Those law-breakin men were sick of being held down, and so dispense, as White calls it, “private justice”, as opposed to “the order provided by law”.

Gorn describes it even better, comparing Dillenger and Hoover to Frued’s Id and Superego. In psychology, the Id is described as the pleasure-centered part of someone’s personality, and the Superego as the conscience. Americans at the time knew that Hoover was supposed to be the good guy, but Dillenger was the man they wanted to be.

There was just very little respect for the government in this era, once everyone’s hope was at it’s lowest. And seeing the outlaws all over the news, evading capture, driving cool cars, and sticking it to the man, helped ease the pain of the common man.

The perception of the government and law wasn’t the only thing changing. The law was pulling itself together, from being disorganized to creating the Federal Bureau  of Investigation, and finally carrying guns on them. Forensics like fingerprinting were being used for the first time in attempts to catch Dillinger. Hoover, “ever vigilant about his agency’s image”, made sure that the public was aware that catching Dillinger was a “triumph of scientific investigation and sophisticated police work” (Gorn).

Both the perception by the American people and the new actions of the government and the law in general were changing rapidly in the era of the Great Depression, and it made outlaws like Dillinger, Bonnie and Clyde, and Jesse James famous men.

Cuban Crises- deeper American analysis

October 25th, 2011 by pjy1

Last week, this blog reported on the years concentrating around the Cuban Missile Crises. The source from the Public Quarterly also goes into more details of the days around the pinnacle of the crises. Although there are many quotes from citizens who feared they may never see daylight again, the voices of those who didn’t fear nuclear disaster are rarely heard. It can be said that their voice was “silenced” through history.

One college  student of 1962 recalls that on the night of Kennedy’s address his parents asked him sleep  in their room for the fear that it may be their last night together. (Smith,271) Americans had every right to be worried. Kennedy was very specific in his description of the threat, stating the problem as “ballistic missiles capable of carrying a nuclear warhead…capable of striking Washington DC, the Panama Canal, Mexico City, or any other city in the southeastern part of the United States, in Central America, or in the Caribbean area.” He also mentioned the uncertainty of the outcome but made clear that the worst case scenario: nuclear war “in which even the fruits of victory would be ashes in our mouth”. (Smith, 272)

But the NORC Illinois study suggests that the anxiety was not as widespread as thought. During the crises only 36% of those surveyed recalled their week different from the previous one and less than 1/3 of those people cited Cuba as the cause. When asked directly if they had changed their routine because of the Cuba situation, only 11.5% confirmed it and only 4% engaged in any safety or survival activities! Of all the concerns concerning Cuba, nuclear war wasn’t the big fear during the crises either. According to the polls, of the Cuban-war fears, the largest fear was “the general situation”(81%), followed by the fear of having someone go to war(15%) and then survival if war were to break out (6%).(Smith, 272)

Other than the finding direct opinion on the missile crises. The study also surveyed America’s mindset too during the crises. It seemed that the general mood of the public didn’t change much during the crises. One interesting fact is that thoughts of death decreased from 37% in the spring of ’62 to 29% during the crises. A survey of happiness shows an increase of about 5% from the spring. Reported stress and anxiety showed little change during the crises also.(Smith, 273)

These days, most people think of the Cuban missile crises as a scene where the world held its breath counting down the next nuclear war. Well, if that was the case, America certainly didn’t show it. The overall numbers from the study concludes that while interest in Cuba did increase during the crises, there was no general panic or even anxiety about the situation. This could be understood if the public didn’t know the situation. But the address by Kennedy removes that possibility. It can be understood then that the sense of impending nuclear war was overplayed through time to create a legendary event of American history. But is that all? The Cuban Missile Crises could also be one of those “legendary stories” of “legendary Americans”. Just like Washington cutting down the cherry tree, or Davy Crockett going down swinging at the Alamo, the image of Kennedy tenaciously working for peace dangling on a thread is similar to the stuff of legends.  Next time, this blog will study the rhetoric affects of Kennedy’s speech or look into how Kennedy’s handling of the Cuban Missile Crises is seen over time. (For example: Washington’s farewell Address during the Civil War, Sacagawea used for the Women’s suffrage movement, or John Henry’s symbol for the Communists.)

Works Cited

Smith, Tom. Public Quarterly. 67. Oxford University Press, 2004. 265-275. Web. <http://www.jstor.org/stable/3521635?seq=1>

Social Bandits = Outlaw?

October 25th, 2011 by pjy1

Do outlaws of the 20th century like Bonny and Clyde match the description of the social bandit in the 19th century? While it does seem that both categories seem to be similar in their disregard to law and fame, evidence has shown that as times have changed, so have the bandits. Their differences are numerous but the most striking are the motive or “manliness” they promote, their support groups, and the circumstance of which their times occurred.

In the 19th century, the core belief of the celebrated social bandits was their masculine characteristics. ”The portrait of the outlaw as a strong man righting his own wrongs and taking his own revenge had a deep appeal to a society concerned with the place of masculinity….in a newly industrialized and seemingly effete order.” (White, 406) It is said that those who romanticized these characteristics admired their toughness, loyalty, bravery, honor and daring among other qualities. (White, 407) These traits are similar to those Davy Crockett showed in the Disney version where he disobeys his superior’s orders to do the “right” thing. But by the time of the 20th century bandits, the values of masculinity had changed. If the social bandits promoted values, then the outlaws promoted material gain. Gorn comments: “Dillenger’s wild year was a response….to ideals of masculinity….during the Great Depression.” Here, masculinity meant reclaiming all that had been lost during the Great Depression. Women, cars, and clothes were all Dillenger sought for. (Gorn, 175) Bonnie and Clyde also didn’t bother to call their crimes a way to advance social causes like revenge or righteousness. They simply went after the “small stakes”. Clyde was described as a “careless and remorseless killer”. Cott, 222)

White also describes the bandits as having 3 kinds of supporters. The kin supporters, the active supporters, and the passive supporters.(White, 389) Certainly, both the social bandits and outlaws had passive supporters but it is the first two in which they differ. Family is only briefly mentioned in how Clyde’s brother was in the gang (Cott, 222) and how Dillenger would receive support from his father to exonerate his son (Gorn, 158). But it is the 19th century gangs in which family which fed, hid and even warned the gang. One example of close kin is that three prominent gangs were led by brothers: the James, the Younger, and the Dalton (White ,390). The social bandits also had the active community support that the 20th century outlaws lacked. Social Bandits like the James gang were so familiar with locals in the counties that it was thought that “a local jury would never convict them”. (White, 390) Meanwhile, the later outlaws were hunted down constantly. Dillinger was being considered as a target for bounty hunters (Gorn, 166) and Bonny and Clyde were tracked and shot down by a posse.

Another difference was which the circumstances the criminals did their actions. In the mid-19th century where the social bandits emerged, the division across the nation was wide after having just finished the Civil War. Locals resented the officers with the north and vice versa. Complicated by frantic land-stakers, the tension in community over land and property reached a fever where violence was accepted as a means of proving oneself. In this case, White constantly explains that the line defining vigilante, sooner and bandit were vague (White, 397-399). The actions carried out by the gangs might not have seemed out of place. By the 1930s though, the rule of the government had been established and was assimilating power to fight outlaw crime (Gorn, 161-162). There was order and these bandits were a blatant departure from it. Dillinger, Bonnie, and Clyde were all described as living a life that broke free from the norm of others at the time which contributed to their fame as most of their fans lived vicariously through them (Gorn, 175-176).

The Social Bandits of the outlaws of the 20th century did have some similarities such as their fame and disregard for the law. However, they weren’t the same type of criminal.  Social Bandits lived by their own honor code while outlaws sought wealth and material goods. And while both had passive supporters, the social bandits had much more local and familial support than the outlaws. Furthermore, the violence of the social bandits weren’t uncommon at their time while the outlaws like Dillinger drew attention particularly because of their extremity at the time.

Kennedy and Romney

October 19th, 2011 by lft2

As I mentioned in last week’s post, I recently saw a news segment wherein A Texan religious leader was warning his congregation against the dangers of voting for current Republican candidate Mitt Romney on the grounds that he is a Mormon, and Mormonism is a cult that if given the chance would take over the United States via the White House.  This immediately made me think of the fears that preceded Kennedy’s election as the first Catholic president.  I wanted to see what similarities and differences could be found by comparing the two.  Before continuing, I will mention that I am an atheist, and have no particular preference between Mormonism or Catholicism, so I think I can be somewhat objective in my discussion.

Both Kenned and Romney have addressed their religions publicly, and have both said that they would not allow that aspect of their lives to interfere with their political actions.  In theory, at least, trepidation regarding the two men’s religion is not entirely invalid: according to Catholic tradition, the pope does have authority over other believers, and passages within the Book of Mormon that encourage believers to spread as widely and rapidly as possible.

The two cases differ in that while citizens feared external influence by the Vatican, Mormonism is very much an American religion.  This makes the fears about Romney seem almost counter-intuitive: why do we not champion him as more of a ‘true American?’  This also suggests that much of the opposition facing Romney is derived from doctrinal conflicts with other forms of Christianity, whereas Kennedy’s opposition was concerned with the sovereignty of the United States.  Could we conclude, then, that religious bigotry has increased within the past few decades?  Within Romney’s own party, almost 20% of citizens polled last June said that his Mormonism was a “deal-breaker.”  There is also some difference in the groups that were opposed to the candidates’ religions.  JFK, a democrat, primarily had to convince the opposing party that he was a valid option, while Romney has to convince extremists in his own party of his validity.  According to Jon Krakaur, an author of a book about the Mormon faith, “JFK’s speech was to reassure Americans that he wasn’t a religious fanatic.  Mitt’s was to tell evangelical Christians, ‘I’m a religious fanatic just like you.’”

I’m sorry this investigation hasn’t yielded anything particularly useful–because the content is so contemporary, I have had to rely on internet sources for my information, and I haven’t been able to get much good information from the non-scholarly articles I found detailing Romney’s side of the situation.  So yeah, basically I don’t think this is a great avenue to pursue in our discussion, except maybe as an interesting sidenote.  Hopefully next week I can find stuff that will better help the project!

Sources:

http://catholicism.about.com/b/2011/08/09/mitt-romney-youre-no-john-kennedy.htm

http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/the-fix/post/why-mitt-romneys-mormon-question-doesnt-matter-as-much-in-2012/2011/10/10/gIQAvgIeaL_blog.html

http://www.nytimes.com/2007/12/09/opinion/09dowd.html

Reactions to the Assassination of John F. Kennedy

October 19th, 2011 by jrh5

I was sick all weekend, so it’s back to having no new book to look into for this week. But I’ve been looking around online at reactions to Kennedy’s and Lincoln’s death and I can’t really find anything that goes up against what I saw last week- Lincoln had people that were practically celebrating his death, but Kennedy had a whole nation weeping for him.

I read the entire wikipedia article “Reaction to the assassination of John F. Kennedy”, and the only mention of negative feelings towards him was that “It has been reported, though, that some stations in parts of the country where Kennedy was unpopular carried on with their normal programming as usual.” Nothing else.

Peter, I believe, talked a week or two ago about Kennedy’s poll numbers. Around the time of his death, they were not as high as they had been. People were feeling disenchanted with Kennedy and his administration, just as people had been feeling disenchanted with Lincoln’s. Tensions were high in both cases. There’s just something about Lincoln that made him just a victim, where Kennedy became a martyr.

I think it has to do with the strength of the tensions toward the Presidency. Certainly Kennedy was not having an easy time in the position, but he was not seen as an enemy in the same way that Lincoln was. The grumblings toward JFK probably just had to do with feelings that he was incompetent, or fear that he would lead America somewhere it shouldn’t be. But in the case of Lincoln, he was an enemy to half the nation. He had brought the Union back together but they were not a happy family yet. He represented everything the Confederacy had fought against, and now he was leading them. So when we look back at the reactions to his assassination, sure, half the nation mourned, but the other half smiled. And so we don’t have on record this mass mourning that we do for Kennedy.

Records are a big component, too. Everyone on record was mourning Kennedy. That’s not to say that there were people off the record with counter opinions. They just didn’t pipe up. And if they did, we have no records of it, because they were free to say as they pleased amongst friends (if willing to put up with the social shunning), whereas with Lincoln we have on record soldiers that were busted and punished for celebrating.

So time may find more records of people not quite sobbing over the death of John F. Kennedy, but for the most part the nation saw him as a martyr, much unlike how the nation had seen the death of the only other President to be assassinated and have the possibility of conspiracy surround his death.

 

“Reaction to the Assassination of John F. Kennedy.” Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia. Web. 19 Oct. 2011. <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Reaction_to_the_assassination_of_John_F._Kennedy>.